Thursday, October 31, 2019

Arguments Participation Paper 1 Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Arguments Participation Paper 1 - Assignment Example They mock at the racial inequality as dust gets settled on both the white and the black. The economic exploitation and indifferent treatment toward the tunnel workers are evident in the lines 9-12. Muriel has been a social activist taking her poetry to the level of political statements. She has worked for the cause of various political and social issues during her time. In her poem, â€Å"George Robinson: Blues†, she depicts the gruesome, inhuman life of the black tunnel workers in the town of Gauley Bridge. The town is characterized as the â€Å"Negro town† sarcastically, as it does not own them but disowns them by sending tunnel workers in bulk to the cemetery on top of the hill. George, the speaker presents an insider’s view of the life in the tunnel. White dust settling on the blacks deconstructs the racial coding and makes it difficult for the outsider to identify the ‘white’. The tunnel worker, masked in white dust, proceeds gradually toward the graveyard in the top of the hill left unattended by doctors. They are not provided with the basic medical facilities nor are cared for by the authorities. They are left to die so inhuman. He says how the workers die in huge numbers due to the unhealthy working conditions. â€Å"Did you ever bury thirty-five men in a place in back of your  house/thirty-five tunnel workers the doctors didnt attend/ died in the tunnel camps, under rocks, everywhere, world/ without end† (9) ironically portray how inhuman the tunnel workers are looked upon. It is very clear that the tunnel workers are commodities looked upon only for utility and when they turn sick and not fit to work and turn over profit, the authorities step in only to remove them from the job. George says, â€Å"when he couldnt keep going barely/the Cap and company come and run him off the job surely† (15). The poet has depicted the social picture of the tunnel workers in the voice of an

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

To Build a Fire Essay Example for Free

To Build a Fire Essay The Yukon setting in To Build a Fire is used by the author, Jack London, as a sort of shorthand whereby even the most casual of readers will be able to understand the potential lethality and bodily danger such a wilderness presents to the main character of the story,   an understanding which is essential to the storys overall theme, plot, and impact. The Yukon setting is also important because it provides and underlying motivation for the storys protagonist, a   newcomer in the land, a chechaquo to be in such a hostile environment in the first place: profit. The all-too-familiar lure of profit, for gold or for other salable resources forms an underlying motivation for the storys protagonist who is bound for the old claim on the left fork of Henderson Creek, where the boys were already and the protagonist himself is going the roundabout way to take a look at the possibilities of getting out logs in the spring from the islands in the Yukon all of which begs the question: why is a newcomer choosing to go it alone in the Yukon? (London, 1998, p. 342)      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   This central question forms the fulcrum upon which the theme and plot of the story turn. Because the reader will immediately fear for the fate of the protagonist, from the opening paragraphs of the story, a sense of suspense and character-sympathy is generated. However, in order for reader identification with the protagonist to genuinely take hold, it is necessary for London to reveal just a bit more of the protagonists internal state, his personality, beliefs and flaws.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚   The following information about the protagonist is revealed on the first page of the story:   But all this-the mysterious, far-reaching hair-line trail, the absence of sun from the sky, the cold, and the strangeness and weirdness of it allmade no impression on the man. It was not because he was long used to it   but because he was without imagination and therefore unable to extrapolate from the immediate moment to the probable future. in other words he was unable to understand or visualize the possible consequences of his actions or decisions.  Ã‚   (London 341,42)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Such a disadvantage is less of a liability when it pertains to certain logistical capacities, which the character, indeed, uses in a futile attempt to build a fire and escape his own death as the perils in the story increase. The protagonist is quick and alert in the things of life, but only in the things, and not in the significances; so, to him, Fifty degrees below zero meant eighty-odd degrees of frost and nothing more. He may acknowledge that the conditions are cold and uncomfortable but these realizations fail to alert within him an sense of his frailty as a creature of temperature, and upon mans frailty in general, and this seems to indicate that London intends the protagonist of his story to stand, in some ways, for the entire human race: in ecological terms, out of balance with nature and oblivious to the consequences of ingenuity and technology (London,   342).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The revelation of the characters internal flaw increases reader-identification and sympathy, which is essential to the unfolding of the storys climax and thematic resolution. Because London intends the story to function in some ways as a cautionary tale about the perilous consequences of humanity exploiting nature and living out of harmony with nature,   the reader must be lured into identifying with the storys protagonist as deeply as is possible. london accomplishes this by allowing the protagonists ingenuity, intelligence, and determination to win several small victories along the way to the storys tragic resolution. Each time the protagonist is able to think his way to a temporary solution to his challenges and deathly obstacles, the reader is led to identify more intensely with him and root for his victory over indifferent nature.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In effect, London is leading the reader to root for humanity as represented by the storys protagonist: the reader is encouraged when the storys protagonist manages to build a fire against all the odds and begin the process of thawing out his clothes and body; the reader is deeply disappointed and fearful when a small shingle of snow falls on that fire, extinguishing it and with it, all realistic hope of the protagonists survival. Because the reader has been led to identify deeply wit the protagonist, and with his logistical abilities and even his hard headed realism, this even in the story, the extinguishing of the protagonists fire, lands a symbolically charged blow right on the readers sense of pride in humanity, revealing that the protagonists previously identified flaw: lack of imagination, is actually a variant of pride or self-absorption. In this way, London makes it clear that the human races reliance upon science, technology, capitalism, and pride are the very aspects which bring about a discord with nature. This discord is not portrayed as being merely unfortunate, but it is revealed as being the kiss of death, of extinction, for humanity and all of humanitys achievements. these vast aspects are personalized through the story and demonstrated in microcosm through the sue of symbolic imagery.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Londons story is intended not only to engage each individual reader but also the collective of humanity as a whole. The themes of To Build a Fire are universal. I have personally been guilty of pride with disastrous consequence on many occasions; it remains to be seen whether or not the ecological aspects of this story will play a constructive or merely ironic role in determining my own future behavior or the behavior of the human race in general.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Works Cited London, Jack. The Call of the Wild, White Fang, and Other Stories. Ed. Earle Labor and Robert   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   C. Leitz. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.

Saturday, October 26, 2019

Media Essays Magazines Men Women

Media Essays Magazines Men Women Magazines Men Women Literature Review Many scholars have argued the media play an increasingly central role within contemporary society, and the shaping of identities (Holmes, 2007; McRobbie, 2000). Kellner (1994, cited in Durham, 1995, p.2) argues the media provide individuals with the materials to forge their identity and sense of selfhood; including our notions of male and female and what it means to be good or bad. As a medium, magazines have not been studied in as much depth as newspapers, television and radio. However they are still an important cultural tool and a valuable medium to study, with a unique function ‘to bring high-value interpretative information to specifically defined, yet national audiences’ (Abrahamson, 1996, cited in Holmes, 2007, p.511). The analysis of images within magazines is a valid way of studying gender roles and relations according to Butler and Paisley (1980, p.49). They argue images formed from mediated precepts become part of a viewer’s conception of themselves. Vigorito and Curry (1998, p. 136) point out that popular culture is ‘increasingly visual’, and that magazine pictures ‘carry significant messages about cultural norms and values, including the norms of gender relations’. In a study of the pictorial images featured in Playboy and Cosmopolitan, Krassas et al (2001, p.752) argue that images within magazines ‘have a demonstrable effect on how we think about ourselves’, and that they ‘explicitly advise the reader about how to look and act’. The following study that is predominantly image-based analysis is therefore a legitimate and valid way of studying the sample material. Research into masculinity and male depiction within women’s magazines has been scarce according to many scholars (Holmes, 2007; Farvid and Braun, 2006; Vigorito and Curry, 1998), with most research focused on ‘the social construction of femininity’ (Vigorito and Curry, 1998, p.135). However, with an established theory that identifies gender as a social construct that defines masculinity as historically reactive to changing definitions of femininity (Kimmel, 1995, p.14), the study of the representation of men and their roles within women’s magazines has become increasingly significant. As Farvid and Braun (2006) explain: The focus on men is particularly relevant because, in a heteronormative world, male and female sexualities are constructed simultaneously. Therefore, although previous examination of femininity/female sexuality in magazines have been useful, they are only partially complete, as female (hetero)sexuality is also constructed through the magazines’ account of male (hetero)sexuality (p.298). The following study concerned with the sexual representation of men in contemporary women’s magazines is therefore pertinent to existing theory. As the majority of studies are also American and at least five years old, there is justification for a contemporary, English study on the sexual presentation of men in women’s magazines. In his observation of women’s magazines, Gauntlett (2002, p.51) notes that the changes in content coincide with societal changes in gender relations. The 1940s and 1950s saw the emphasis was centred on a domesticated ‘simpering housewife’, that saw education and careers as the masculinisation of women. The 1960s saw the sexual revolution that marked the seeds of change within society and women’s magazines. From this time the sexual longings of all women including the ‘respectable’ and the unmarried, could openly be acknowledged and discussed (Wouters 1998, p.188). In the 1970s and 1980s magazines continued to change, to account for women and their changing positions within society (Gauntlett 2002, p.52). Attwood (2004, p.15) argues since the 1990s popular media has depicted ‘new sexualities’, which break existing norms of feminine behaviour by addressing women as ‘knowing and lustful’. McNair (2002, p.88) has also noted that we increasingly live in a ‘striptease culture’ that is focused on ‘sexual confession and self-revelation’, that manifests itself within print media. On a broad level, the following study is concerned with how this emerging sexual discourse within the media and society is manifested within women’s magazines. Alongside changing societal values and morals, there are strong arguments suggesting the content of women’s magazines can be directly influenced by the interests of advertisers. In the relentless search for new markets by advertisers, erotic images of men are designed to appeal to both liberated women as well as the new male consumer (Rohlinger, 2002, p.61). In the 1990s, rumours circulated that women’s magazine Company, had found a sales formula relating to circulation figures with the number of times the word ‘sex’ appeared on the cover lines (Gough-Yates, 2003, p.139). Consumers that buy young women’s magazines also have the most desirable demographic to advertisers – young, single, employed, well educated and urban – and are the most likely to buy a magazine for it’s coverage of sex (Rohlinger, 2002, p.61). There is a general agreement that the content of women’s magazines has reached a sexual peak in today’s society. Sex ‘sets the tone, defines the pace, and shapes the whole environment’ of women’s magazines (McRobbie, 1996, p.177). There is currently a ‘lust revival, an acceleration in the emancipation of sexuality’ (Wouters, 1998, p.200). Winship (2000, p.43) argues sexual discourse, which was once a private dialogue, has been re-positioned in a public space, moving it from a private to a public discourse. Attwood (2004, p.15) supports this idea, arguing that ‘sexy images have become the currency of the day’. Not only has the sheer volume of sexual coverage increased dramatically, Scott (1985, p. 387) points out that there has also been a complete liberalisation of the treatment of sex within women’s magazines. Sexuality has replaced romance as the ideological focus – with a more pronounced emphasis on ‘strong, frank, and explicitly sexual representations’ (McRobbie, 1996, p.192). With sexuality replacing romance as the ideological focus of women’s magazines, Giddens (1992, p.1-2) argues sexuality has been released from the confines of a heterosexual, monogamous, procreative hegemony and has been replaced with ‘sexual pluralism’, a sexual identity defined and structured by individual choice. This individual choice and ‘sexual pluralism’ can be seen within the pages of women’s magazines as young women are actively encouraged to be ‘sexual actors, even predators’ in their search for sex (Gauntlett, 2002, p.206). Gauntlett (2002, p.97) supports Giddens arguments for a post-traditional society, referring to the increased levels of divorce and separation as individuals move from one relationship to another. Furthermore, Wouters (1998, p.208) argues there is now a ‘sexualisation of love and an eroticisation of sex’. With the liberalisation of women’s magazines in favour of a more sexually confident standpoint, debates surround the change in attitude and treatment towards men in favour of an objectified, sexist approach. Men, it has been argued, are no longer treated with respect ‘but could be seen as inadequate, or the butt of jokes’ (Gauntlett, 2002, p.53). As Wolf (1994) explains: Male sexuality, once cloaked in prohibitions that kept women from making comparisons, is under scrutiny, and the secrets of male virility are on display (p.24). After years of women complaining about the objectification of their bodies, the male body was ‘on display: cut up, close up and oh! so tastefully lit’ (Moore, 1988, p.45). As women’s magazines became more sexual, the availability of men’s bodies as sex objects became ‘central to this emergent discourse’ (Ticknell et al, 2003, p.54). Counter to the argument of women’s magazines as a stage for demeaning and objectifying men, is the admittance this it is something men’s magazines have been doing for decades, and since both sexes chooses to do so it probably doesn’t matter in sexism terms (Gauntlett, 2002, p.174). Women’s magazines also do not treat men as just bodies or ‘sex machines’ all the time; they are also presented as thoughtful, emotional beings (Gauntlett, 2002, p.188). Additionally, it could be argued that far from being an ‘emergent’ discourse, the male appearance has been available for the viewing pleasure of women for centuries. In the nineteenth century, a man’s physical appearance was taken as a sign of intelligence and morality, and women were invited to view men’s bodies as a sign of their superiority and harmony (Stern, 2003, p.220). Despite evidence to suggest it is not a valid criticism that women’s magazines objectify men; the viewing of men’s bodies in today’s society is done so in a mainstream context, using mechanisms historically associated purely with men and how they look at women, signalling that, for the first time, ‘erotic spectacles had crossed gender boundaries’ (Moore, 1988, p. 47). Laura Mulvey, in her essay ‘Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema’ (1975), first introduced the idea of the ‘male gaze’; Mulvey argued that mainstream Hollywood cinema primarily sets out to satisfy the unconscious desires of men. She argued that male characters do most of the looking within films, making them the (active) subjects, and female characters are looked at, making them the (passive) objects. Male spectators identify with the male protagonist, and female spectators, Mulvey says, are also compelled to take the viewpoint of the central male character, denying women of their own perspective. A temporary masculinisation is the only way Mulvey can offer pleasure for the women viewer. And while the male hero in the film cannot be viewed as a sexual object, ‘according to the principles of the ruling ideology’, he can be admired by men narcissistically as an ideal version of the self (1975, p.14). Perhaps the biggest problem with Mulvey’s argument is the denial of a female gaze (Gauntlett, 2002, p.39). As Moore points out, To suggest that women actually look at men’s bodies is apparently to stumble into a theoretical minefield which holds sacred the idea that in the dominant media the look is always already structured as male. (Moore, 1988, p.45). Support for Mulvey’s masculinised female viewing is found in Krassas et al’s (2001) comparative study of gender roles in Cosmopolitan and Playboy. The study concluded that both magazines reflected the male gaze, regardless of audience, because both portrayed women as sex objects and the main concept within both was the idea of women attracting and sexually satisfying men. Additionally, if gaze behaviour is characterised by the viewing of a passive object, Schauer (2005, p.57) argues men are often pictured in traditional roles with power tools, hammers, army uniforms and so on, to show a engagement in an activity as a ‘strategy to offset the passivity of being looked at’. If this is the case, Mulvey’s framework of the gaze cannot be applied to women. However, since their earliest days, movies have included and celebrated attractive men whose sexual magnetism has no doubt drawn women into cinemas (Gauntlett, 2002, p.39). Since Mulvey’s argument, various writers have argued for the inclusion of the female spectator within the framework of the gaze and Gauntlett describes Mulvey’s argument as ‘untenable’ (2002, p.39). Van Zoonen (1994, p.97) argues Mulvey’s analysis of patriarchal cinema is ‘dark and suffocating’, which has lost ground to an alternative ‘more confident and empowering’ approach to female spectatorship that allows a ‘subversive’ way of viewing the texts. Moore (1988, p.59) also makes the case for a female gaze, arguing that it does not simply replicate a ‘monolithic and masculinised stare, but instead involves a whole variety of looks and glances – an interplay of possibilities.’ Attwood (2004, p.15) argues that in today’s society, objectification is a necessary precondiction for erotic gazing in a narcissistic culture ‘where the body is widely represented as an object for display’. In this climate, there is a ‘strong encouragement for a female gaze and the creation of a space for male narcissism’ (MacKinnon, 1997, p.190). Therefore, securing the gaze of others connotes ‘desirability and self-importance for both women and men’ (Attwood, 2004, p.15). It could be argued therefore, that women’s magazines may provide a stage for the objectification of men which in a ‘narcissistic culture’ is both inevitable and desirable. The following study is concerned with whether there is evidence of a female gaze within women’s magazines that fits within Mulvey’s framework of gaze. Thus, whether men are actively viewed by women as passive objects. Furthermore, Mulvey points out that the appearance of women are often coded for strong visual and erotic impact, so that they can be said to connote ‘to-be-looked-at-ness’ (1989, p.10). This element will be analysed in the examination of the images of men within the three chosen magazines to discover if men display the same visual codes and therefore imply they are receiving a female gaze. The growing preoccupation with sex and male bodies within women’s magazines has come under much debate by theorists, with one of the most passionately critical arguing they are morally reprehensible, offering ‘a depressing portrait of the modern British woman’ (Anderrson and Mosbacher, 1997, p.18). Women were described as dishonest and crude, with ‘no moral standard at all’ (p.56). Women can be, once corrupted, both more disgusting and degraded than men. As Shakespeare said, ‘Lilies that fester smell far worse than weeds’. (Burrows in Anderrson and Mosbacher, 1997, p.57) Despite the passionate and dramatic way the report denounced the content of women’s magazines and their sexual content, the arguments put forward were branded as outdated and rigid, with the overwhelming consensus agreeing that the liberalisation and sexualisation of magazines were, although not perfect, a good and liberating thing nonetheless. Magazines borrow from feminist discourse, which imply to their readership a genuine commitment to the equality of men and women in their sexual worth (Tyler, 2004, p.96). The depictions of female sexuality are an empowered one, as there are representations of young women as sexually active and independent with the right to desire sex and receive sexual pleasure. The magazines can therefore be seen as sexually liberating and offering an image of sexual agency for women (Farvid and Braun, 2006, p.299). The main elements and issues covered by women’s magazines all figure ‘high in the feminist agenda’, and confirm that women’s magazines strive to provide an image of equality (McRobbie, 1999, p.57). Others argue however, that regardless of the emergent sexual discourse which implies women’s magazines provide a feminist message for readers; the obsession with men in the magazine’s reinforce an earlier notion that believes men are the route to happiness, and in reinforcing this attitude, they are legitimising and naturalising patriarchal domination (Farvid and Braun, 2006, p.296). The ideological underpinnings conform to rigid and traditional norms. These constructions position women as objects of male desire and underscore women’s subordinate position in contemporary society’ (Durham, 1995, p.18). Furthermore, it has been argued that women’s magazines use sex as a faà §ade to represent women as dangerous and daring through sex when in fact, the sexual acts represented are only ‘mildly transgressive’, and are actually based on traditional gender roles (Machin and Thornborrow, 2003, p.455). The theory of women’s magazines presenting traditional and stereotypical gender roles in the subtle undertones of the magazine’s, mirrors the opinion theorists felt about women’s magazine’s in the 1940s and 1950s; that they projected the image of a ‘simpering housewife’. Admittedly the appropriate roles for men and women were referred to more explicitly in those times, however it still implies that both present essentially the same message: that men are the route to happiness (Klassen et al, 1993). Goffman’s (1979) study into gender stereotypes within advertisements commented on how different poses portray messages about masculinity and femininity. He found that ‘women were often portrayed in very stereotypical ways, such as in submissive or family roles and in lower physical and social positions than men’ (Baker, 2005, p.14). A number of theorists adopted his methods for analysing magazine images, all of which supported his findings that gender is stereotyped within images; with women portrayed as submissive and passive, and men as dominant and superior (Kang, 1997; Klassen et al, 1993; Krassas et al, 2001; Vigorito and Curry, 1998). Similarly, Kim and Ward (2004, p.48-49) argue that women’s magazines skew the portrayal of males and females to their target audience so that editors, writers and advertisers can take advantage of gender myths and fears. In contrast to this traditional view of gender is McRobbie’s (1999, p.50) argument that it is wrongly assumed the ideology of the magazine’s will be absorbed in a direct way by readers. Hermes (1995, p.148) supports this argument suggesting that readers only connect with part of what a magazine is saying, and cultural studies makes the mistake of assuming that ‘texts are always significant’. Additionally Gauntlett (2002, p.207) points out that the encouragement of women to be active in their search for sex is a rejection ‘of passive femininity’, and ‘is feminist progress’. He adds that while women’s magazines may have a large proportion of content concerned with finding the right man, women are aggressively seeking out partners rather than waiting for a ‘nice husband to come along’ (p.191). He therefore rejects the idea of women being presented as passive, subservient beings which is a traditional notion of femininity. The presence of men as objects to be viewed by women is in itself also a way in which traditional gender ideologies is subverted within the magazines. This approach to men is traditionally only associated with the way men have treated women (Gauntlett, 1999, p.188). Though there are convincing arguments for both sides of the argument; that women’s magazines either present a feminist message, or a traditional ideological message, most scholars agree women’s magazines ‘do not construct a single mythic meaning of feminine identity, or present one ideological position for their readers. Instead, the discourses of women’s magazines are mixed, somewhat contradictory’ (Bignell, 1997, p.56-57). The oppositional arguments surrounding the extent to which gender is presented within women’s magazines leads McRobbie (1994, p.163) to believe there are ‘spaces for negotiation’ within women’s magazines, and that they bring ‘half a feminist message’ to women that would not otherwise receive it. In support of this, Hollows (2000, p.195) argues the feminist messages that are within women’s magazines produce spaces ‘where meanings can be contested, with results that might not be free of contradictions, but which do signify shifts in regimes of representation.’ Within the following study I wish to identify to what extent gender is portrayed as stereotypical and traditional, and how this is negotiated within the ‘emergent’ sexual discourse of the magazine’s, specifically in the objectification of men. Alongside this aim, I also wish to identify whether there is evidence of a female gaze in which men are presented in a way that implies they will receive an active sexual objectifying gaze.

Friday, October 25, 2019

Free College Essays - Devon as a Microcosm in Knowles A Separate Peace

  Devon as a Microcosm to the Outside World in A Separate Peace  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Welcome to a small school called Devon during the summer of 1942.   At the beginning of the second World War, Devon is a quiet place with close friends and great memories, until one event brings the entire school into itÕs own war.   With the star athlete having his leg Ã’accidentallyÓ broken by his best friend, Devon turns against itself into a war zone where nobody is safe.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   It all began with a childish game of jumping out of a tree into a river, a test of guts and will.   All fun and games until that summer day when the star athlete is ready to jump out while his best friend follows him up the tree to jump next.   The branch is shaken slightly, and suddenly the schoolÕs top athlete is lying on the ground with a broken leg.   This event seems so small and feeble, but it will soon not only tear a friendship apart, but the whole school, as well.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  &nbs...

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Appropriation of Romeo and Juliet

Discuss the appropriation of ‘Romeo and Juliet’ by William Shakespeare and ‘Romeo+Juliet’ by Baz Luhrmann Texts and ideas from texts are appropriated and transformed into other text forms and other compositions in a different context. An appropriation is a text that is appropriated or taken over by another composer and presented in a new way. Romeo and Juliet’ is a well-known high culture text that is a tragedy about two young star-crossed lovers whose deaths ultimately unite their feuding families. In the 1997 film, Baz Luhrmann has taken what is valued about the original play of ‘Romeo and Juliet’; the themes, evocative language and poetry, the timeless storyline and humour, and has placed it in a context which is accessible and appealing to a modern audience.This essay will demonstrate how and why Shakespeare’s ‘Romeo and Juliet’ has been appropriated and valued for modern audiences in relation to: variations in the reactions to the text over time, differences and similarities between language, settings, prologue and chorus, themes, characterisation, techniques, values and contexts, as well as different readings of the play and other appropriations. Shakespeare’s time was an age of great change, as the old ways were being questioned, and more than any other Renaissance figure, Shakespeare exposed an ability to use the past and shape it for his own dramatic needs.As a result of this, his ideas and storyline in ‘Romeo and Juliet’ were being questioned. The earliest registered critic of the play was diarist Samuel Pepys who, in 1662 wrote: â€Å"it is a play of itself the worst that I ever heard in my life†. Ten years later, the poet John Dryden wrote â€Å"Shakespeare show’d the best of his skill in his Mercutio†, praising the play and its comic character Mercutio. In the mid-18th century, writer Charles Gildon and philosopher Lord Kames argued that the p lay was a failure in that it did not follow the classical conventions of drama.However, writer and critic Samuel Johnson thought it to be one of Shakespeare’s â€Å"most pleasing† plays. It is evident that â€Å"Romeo and Juliet† has received mixed reactions, but also gained value by responders as the context has changed over the years. In ‘Romeo and Juliet’, Shakespeare applied two specific aspects of life in Renaissance Italy to create the complication of his play. The first was the history of bloody interfamily disagreements that degraded Italian cities uring the Renaissance era, and the second was the fashionable approach to love, based on the poetry of Petrarch (1304-1374, an Italian poet who wrote about love). However, Shakespeare does not simply adopt and recount history; instead he modified the civil wars of the period into a minor war; a family feud that takes place in a stable state. Also, he contrasted the fiction act of the Petrarchan lo ver with the experience of a young man who is truly in love (Romeo). Baz Luhrmann approaches his new version of ‘Romeo+Juliet’ with the same intent.He entertains contemporary viewers by using modern ideas to convey the values embodied in the play and the impossible love, hate and sorrow that are the essence of Shakespeare’s tragedy. Introducing these same ideas in a different context has proven the value of Shakespeares’ storyline and the importance of the morals associated with it. An aspect of Shakespeare’s play and Luhrmann’s film that varies is the setting. The play is set in the 16th century in Verona, whilst Baz Luhrmann’s film takes place on Verona Beach, 20th century times, resembling Los Angeles.The setting of the film is a striking contrast to the Elizabethan England of William Shakespeare; hence the attitudes expressed in the film vary from those conveyed in the play. This also contributes in articulating the contemporary at titude to religion, violence, duty, etc and how it has significantly changed from those of 16th century England. A major feature that Luhrmann has maintained in his film is the original Shakespearean language that characterises the play.Although the meaning of particular sentences has been changed, other parts have been emphasised. An example is Mercutio’s speech at Sycamore grove, the dialogue is very similar, â€Å"Her wagoner [Queen Mab], a small grey-coated gnat†¦ And in this state she gallops night by night† and this has been reiterated by close up shots of Mercutio’s face, showing his emotions. Also the famous line; â€Å"O Romeo, Romeo! – wherefore art thou Romeo? † is from the original play and has been reinforced by an offer gaze from Juliet, showing her love for Romeo.This shows contemporary audiences Luhrmanns’ ability to capture the core of the tragedy through traditional Shakespearean text, and that even though the context has changed over the years, the language of Shakespeare is highly valued and pondered by the majority of people. In addition, a difference in the film by Baz Luhrmann, compared to the play by Shakespeare is the prologue and chorus. In Shakespeare’s original production, the chorus would have entered the Globe Theatre, and to gain the audiences’ attention, would yell â€Å"Two households, both alike in dignity† and the rest of his part.In Luhrmanns’ portrayal of the chorus, he instead uses close up shots of a television with an African American woman delivering a news report. Whereas Shakespeare’s audience were aurally dependent, modern audiences rely immensely on visual aspects of Luhrmanns’ ‘Romeo+Juliet’. The use of the television ‘caught’ the contemporary audiences’ eye and the African American woman represents the historically important legacy of the civil rights black movement, which is another aspect tha t appeals and relates to a modern audience.This shows that the variation in context has led to new values which Luhrmann has incorporated in his film, proving his appropriation of ‘Romeo and Juliet’ is much more superior to Shakespeare’s play for a contemporary audience. A vital component and similarity in Shakespeares’ play and Luhrmanns’ film are the themes. Baz Luhrmann has kept the same themes and ideas from the original play in his film which shows they are actually timeless and can impact on all audiences, no matter what age they are a part of. One of the key themes in the play and film is love.When Romeo sees Juliet for the first time, he forgets his former love Rosaline and falls genuinely in love with Juliet. She in turn responds to him with a love that is innocent and eager. Another important theme in the two texts is hate. Peace is destroyed by the hatred that the Montague’s and Capulet’s feel for each other and the causes o f this are not important, the results are. The love of Romeo and Juliet provides a strong contrast to the hate and are aspects of the play that do not have to be â€Å"modernised†.Hate and love can be interpreted as the duality of human life; hence even though the context of the film has differed from the play, these two themes remain to be just as relevant today as they were in Shakespeare’s time. Furthermore, Baz Luhrmann has taken a modern perspective on each character, giving them character traits that may have only been hinted at in Shakespeares’ play. An example is the different representations of Romeo’s first meeting with Juliet at the masked ball.In Shakespeares’ play, the use of language conventions such as sexual innuendo, as well as the line; â€Å"And palm to palm is the holy plamers’ kiss† portrays Juliet as either being a guarded character who is not interested in Romeo to an otherwise much more sexual and suggestive pe rsonality. On the other hand in the film, Juliet is conveyed as a flirtatious and completely exotic character. In the scene where she meets with Romeo, Luhrmann reinforces Juliet’s sensual eye movements, with close-up shots, as she gazes past the fish in the fish tank to lock with Romeo’s eyes.Shakespeare’s characterisation of Romeo and Juliet appealed to the late 16th century audience, however as times have changed, so has the context, and Luhrmann expresses his characterisation of the couple as a way of reaching out to his young and contemporary target audience. Additionally, it is vital to remember that in the 17th and 18th centuries, plays were enacted in theatres and Shakespeare’s audience came to the play with a significant level of aural exposure, whereas Luhrmanns’ film is more visually developed. Hence, a key variation in the two text types is the techniques used.Shakespeare has expressed his ability to use diverse language to appeal to hi s audience. An example is the balcony scene of Act II Scene II, when Romeo says; â€Å"It is my lady, O it is my love†, reinforced with hyperbole â€Å"two of the fairest stars in all the heaven†, exaggerating the view of Juliets’ sparkling eyes. Another example is Shakespeares’ use of puns and bawdy or sexual jokes, which can be seen in Act I Scene IV, when Romeo, Mercutio and Benvolio discuss going to the Capulet’s party; â€Å"A torch for me! Let wantons light of heart, Tickle the senseless rushes with their heels. (Romeo jokes about the ladies at the Capulet party being immoral when they are actually respectable). An additional language feature evident is the use of similes; â€Å"It seems she hangs upon the cheek of night like a rich jewel in an Ethiop’s ear†. Romeo says this line to describe Juliet when he first sees her. The Elizabethan culture understood the puns, the sexual jokes, as well as the language that is found so anc ient and old in the 20th century. All these language conventions prove that Shakespeare wrote ‘Romeo and Juliet’ to entertain his audience, writing within the context of his culture.On the other hand, Baz Luhrmann has adopted a style very much of his own in creating the film ‘Romeo+Juliet’. To appeal to a contemporary audience, Luhrmann has used multiple visual techniques. One example is the use of costumes, at the Capulet ball Tybalt was dressed as a devil. This shows his evil and violent personality, representing the theme of violence and hatred. Camera work is another technique used effectively; an example is in the final scene when alternating close ups of Romeo and Juliets’ fingers moving are shown, which creates dramatic irony as we see Juliet waking up just as Romeo prepares to kill himself.Luhrmann also uses playful humour which can be seen when Romeo stumbles over to reach Juliet, appealing to his young audience. In addition Latin and punk m usic, a children’s choir and a production number is used in the film to create a blissful and contemporary atmosphere. It is evident, throughout the use of modern technology and visual techniques, Luhrmann has successfully made his appropriation of ‘Romeo and Juliet’ much more superior to Shakespeare’s play, for a modern audience. Moreover, a variation in values between the play and film is The Wheel of Fortune and religion.During Shakespeare’s time, it was widely believed that fate and/or fortune was the main controlling force in life. Just as a part of a wheel moves from a low to a high position or from high to low, so does a man’s life. Hence, Shakespeare used this value to portray the idea of as to what extent fate and to what extent human foolishness and error, contributed to the final tragedy. On the other hand, Luhrmann takes what implications of religion there are in the play and makes them a key visual focus in his film.Romeo and Jul iet have a relationship that is based around the church, and there is usually a cross or other religious symbol in the scenes in which they appear, encouraging the story to be viewed in a Christian context. Luhrmann uses his Christ imagery as a way to show contemporary audiences that the young lovers play a Christ-like role in their families – sacrificing themselves for the final peace between their families. Because of the lover’s sacrifice, Verona has hope for life, just as Christians in the world have hope for life because of their Saviour (God).Hence, Luhrmanns’ ‘Romeo+Juliet’ conveys the values of its original context whilst relating to his modern audience by depicting current social issues which make it more relevant and comprehensible to the audience. Furthermore, as the context of ‘Romeo and Juliet’ by Shakespeare has changed, so has peoples’ interpretations of the play. Early psychoanalytic critics saw the complication o f ‘Romeo and Juliet’ in terms of Romeo’s overconfidence developing from â€Å"ill-controlled, partially disguised aggression†, which led to Mercutio’s death and the lovers suicide.In the late 1900’s, critics such as Julia Kristeva focused on the hatred between the Capulets and Montagues, arguing that this hatred caused Romeo and Juliet’s passion for each other. Juliet for example, speaks of â€Å"my only love sprung from my only hate† and usually articulates her love through an anticipation of Romeo’s death. Feminist literary critics debate that the blame for the family feud lies in Verona’s patriarchal society. For example, Coppelia Kahn, a feminist critic believes the firm, manlike code of violence implied on Romeo, is the main force driving the tragedy to its end.In this view, the teenagers â€Å"become men† by involving themselves in violence on behalf of their fathers. Juliet also obeys a female code of purity and obedience and she demonstrates this by allowing others, such as the Friar to solve her problems for her. This shows that ‘Romeo and Juliet’ has had many different readings over the years and critics’ values, professions and cultures can have a major influence on their interpretations. In addition, Luhrmanns’ ‘Romeo and Juliet’ is not the only appropriation of Shakespeares’ play. The play has been adapted numerous times for stage, film, musical and opera.David Garrick’s 18th century version modified many scenes, removing material then thought of as offensive, and Georg Benda’s adaption excluded much of the action and added a happy ending. Performances in the 19th century, such as Charlotte Cushman’s, updated the original text, and centred on greater realism. In 1935, John Gielgud’s version reinforced the Elizabethan culture and costumes, and kept very close to Shakespeare’s text. In the 20th century, the play has been diversely adapted, including the 1950’s musical ‘West Side Story’ and the 1996’s MTV-inspired ‘Romeo and Juliet’.It is evident that Shakespeares play ‘Romeo and Juliet’ has a timeless storyline as well as powerful themes and language, and has been appropriated multiple times as the text is highly valued. In conclusion, it is now clear that William Shakespeare’s ‘Romeo and Juliet’ is highly valued and Baz Luhrmann has taken what is valued about the original play; the themes, evocative language and poetry, the timeless storyline and humour, and has placed it in a context which is accessible and appealing to a contemporary audience.The variations in the reactions to the text over time, differences and similarities between language, settings, prologue and chorus, themes, characterisation, techniques, values and contexts, as well as different readings of the play and other appropriations has shown how and why the text has been appropriated and remains immensely valued. It is through appropriations like Luhrmann’s, which have continually rekindled the fire to enable the original storyline of ‘Romeo and Juliet’ to be perceived by an ever changing audience.

Tuesday, October 22, 2019

Dutch Composers and Their Contributions to the Sacred Music of the Renaissance

Dutch Composers and Their Contributions to the Sacred Music of the Renaissance Free Online Research Papers Dutch Composers and Their Contributions to the Sacred Music of the Renaissance Modern day Holland, or more properly, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, is a mix of old and new, foreign and domestic. It is a place of brotherhood and unity, where the population strives as one to continually reclaim itself from the ever encroaching sea. However, this was not always the case, as the Netherlands has only recently come to resemble the form in which the world sees her today. The story of Dutch sacred music is very similar to that of the area’s political history, one in which strife and struggles have forced the population to reinvent itself countless times, simply to keep the same economic condition which their ancestors had many years before. These struggles have played an extremely important role in the developments of all the arts in the area which is now separated into the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg. The political and religious issues of the period can be seen in the development of sacred music across the years, showing both foreign influences on the church music of the Netherlands, and Low Country influence into the sacred music of foreign lands, especially the liturgical music of the Roman Catholic Church. Before the fifteenth century the state of Dutch music is not generally known, but after the year 1400, composers who considered themselves Netherlanders began to distinguish themselves from the prevailing French musicians which had come into the country under the rule of the Burgundians dukes. Indeed, The Encyclopedia of the Renaissance tells how the author of the oldest known musical dictionary, the Flemish author Tinctoris, stated in 1477 that music written more than forty years previously was not worth hearing, indicating that a new age of music had begun. This is not to say that the composers cultivated an â€Å"indigenous† style, as artists of this time period usually required a patron to provide them with sufficient living expenses to practice their craft, and the limited number of nobility in the Netherlands meant that musicians often had to travel a great distance and relocate several times in their lifetimes. This requirement of patronage limited the amount of change that artists could effect in these early years of Dutch composition. French state officials, who at this time were the most regular form of aristocrat in this part of Western Europe, and thus the most readily available patrons, generally brought their own musicians and artists from their home courts in Burgundy when they traveled northward to administer their appointed districts (Elders, 3). This required Dutch composers to attain an extraordinary level of skill to attain enough status to obtain a patron’s attention. However, the Dutch who had not yet been patronized by foreign dignitaries found themselves in a unique situation due to geographical considerations. They had to fulfill the requirements of their prospective patrons to obtain an income, while at the same time, they were too far removed from the rest of European society to be able to copy the popular styles from the rest of the continent. The great skill required to pick up foreign music from the traveling merchan ts and the adeptness the Netherlanders showed in composition meant that, by the year 1500, Dutch musicians were in almost all of the royal courts of Europe (Netherlands: Facts and Figures, 353). During this period, (1400 to about 1550), when French influence in Dutch music reached a pinnacle, the primary form of musical composition by Dutch composers was a French liturgical form called the motet. This is a form of polyphonic worship music derived from Biblical text and contemporary prayer books (Elders, 23). Upper voices of Latin polyphony, sung by the choir, were derived from existing sources, such as psalms or traditional liturgical sources, to satisfy the clergy and the traditions of the Church. The lower voices, which were usually sung by the lead soloist, (the cantor), are where the majority of creative composition can be found. These were in colloquial French, German, or Frisian, using figures of speech to either substitute for the Latin chant for the layperson or to paraphrase the meaning of the chant, thus allowing the common churchgoer to participate in a more meaningful way (Grove Dictionary, Definition: Trope, 780). This was often due to theological or political c hanges, where the Church or aristocratic hierarchy felt that their vassals should be empowered or disenfranchised, and thus instructed their composers to add or delete sections of the liturgical standards as necessary (Elders, 22). This interpretive technique became popular enough to endanger the sanctity of the liturgy itself, which was the impetus behind Pius V’s prohibition of tropes from the missal at the Council of Trent in 1563 (Webster’s, Definition: Trope, 2721). In spite of this ruling, however, the motet was still an important compositional technique in the Netherlands as late as the 1670’s, with the publication of ten concertante motets by Carel Haquart of Amsterdam in 1674 (Klis 147). While these compositional techniques were not extensively developed or used by composers residing inside the boundaries of the modern day Netherlands, many highly regarded musical societies across Europe had a considerable percentage of members hailing from the Low Countries. One such example is the Guild of Our Lady in Antwerp, Belgium, which was part of the Burgundian Low countries at that time. This fraternity included such distinguished composers as Jacob Obrecht and Noel Bauldeweyn (Elders 23). It should be pointed out that Obrecht had the distinction of being an instructor to Erasmus, the famous writer and Christian humanist, when Obrecht was zangmeester (song master) in Utrecht. Also, Orlando di Lasso, whom some regard as the greatest composer who lived during the second half of the sixteenth century, was born in Mons before being employed in many positions throughout Sicily and Italy. He finally became Kapellmeister (Chapel master) of the Bavarian court in Munich, Germany unt il his death in 1594 (Elders 160). These and other composers’ biographies, show that while the Dutch landscape produced a prolific number of great musicians and composers, the political landscape was not structured in a manner which would normally allow them to stay in their home districts. In the Netherlands, the last three-fourths of the sixteenth century was consumed by the all-pervading influence of the Protestant Reformation, which did not leave any European country (Baroness 97). More than before, Dutch musicians fled the country to find work in more stable countries not at war for their very lives, for on top of the war with Spain, it had become quite dangerous to be publicly Catholic. The Calvinists and Lutherans had taken over the seven Northern provinces, and they believed strongly enough in their new faith to proclaim independence from the Holy Roman Empire. Due to the strong prejudice against Protestants in most of the rest of Europe, many composers had relatives in the clergy, like Josquin Des Prà ¨s’ brother Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, or made certain that their work could not be interpreted in any way other than strictly Catholic (Bergin 128). Others went to Italy, the seat of the Catholic Church, to escape the effects of the wars and the Inquisition . Most Netherlander composers in this period were not â€Å"Dutch† per se in the form we know today, but came from the area known as the â€Å"Spanish Netherlands,† which is modern day Belgium. Many composers, such as George La Hà ¨le, began at the Church of Our Lady and moved on to the courts of Spanish officials in Madrid and other politically important cities in Spain (Elders 157). During the period of the Eighty Year War, and even more so during the Thirty Years’ War, composers concentrated on improving the Mass, as a sort of defense against the Calvinist theological attacks from the Northern Europeans. La Hà ¨le composed at least eight Masses, which were printed in 1578 in Antwerp. These compositions were possibly partially copied from, and certainly profoundly influenced by, earlier works of Josquin, who perfected techniques like ostinato and was the first known composer to use cavato (Elders 37, 157). These techniques can be described as using a short piece of melody and re-using it frequently in the composition without being monotonous. This method can be extremely difficult, and shows the level of skill attained by these talented musicians. Possibly due to the documented mastery of such difficult techniques in the fifteenth century, imitation seems to have been the preferred compositional form in the sixteenth century (Elders 44-8). Johannes Froschius even suggests in his 1535 treatise â€Å"Rerum musicarium opusculum† that musical authors should transcribe the best passages of others’ work to incorporate into one’s own work later. Two main techniques were called â€Å"through-imitation† and â€Å"parody† (Elders 44/46). Many times, as in most examples of through-imitation, the purpose of the imitation was to take a piece which had attained a firm subconscious meaning in the layman’s mind, and use it in a semi-repetitious form in such a way that â€Å"nothing could be added or taken away without destroying the harmony of the whole† (Wittkower 7). In many ways, the musical examples of this method display remarkable similarity to the modern day concept of the â€Å"round.à ¢â‚¬  Parody, far from being an amusing farce, was when a composer decided that clothing an existing text in entirely new music was unnecessary, as such using a model, broken up into sections, with interpolations of various lengths to break up the monotony and suggest to the layman that he may not know this piece after all (Elders 46-8). This form had an extended period of popularity, becoming widely used about 1530, waning only near the beginning of the seventeenth century. However, even when the great composers of the Netherlands felt that previous composers had perfected techniques which they could only copy, they went further to put their great intellects to work at musical symbolism as well. As Elders notes, many composers used gematric symbolism, wherein the addition of the numbers (representing the letters) in an individual’s name determines the number of notes in a composition (76-86). This technique, especially when combined with the previous forms, stands as a gran d testament to the ability of these extremely talented artists. Even though the seventeenth century religious conflicts greatly limited innovation by composers from the Germanic countries, the eighteenth century saw Dutch musical culture become well-known and widely respected throughout Europe. Andrew Becket of England noted that the organ in Haarlem, which was built by Christian Mullar, was able to reproduce a wide variety of sounds, including violins, kettle drums, bird song, and even the human voice (139). He declared that it was played with â€Å"exquisite truth and delicacy,† and a â€Å"divine, enchanting harmony,† but that the twenty or thirty Dutchmen in the church were completely unmoved by the performance (140). Furthermore, John Mackey postponed a trip to Ireland in the early 1700’s when he was given the chance to tour the Netherlands, proclaiming that it was the densest collection of great cities and culture in the world, even greater than Renaissance Italy (1). Obviously, even if the casual observer may not be aw are of the history of sacred music in Europe, the Dutch were remembered well into the eighteenth century, and still have a reputation for a high appreciation of the arts. Currently, the government allocates more than 1% of the Netherlands GDP toward supporting Dutch music, which certainly follows in the grand tradition of this creative population. Naturally, a grand tradition of music so close by was certain to influence others as well. There are many examples of traditions from sacred music which show up in secular compositions by more well known composers such as Bach and Beethoven. In a long period of intellectual darkness, nobles searched far and wide for promising individuals to promote their causes and entertain their households. In the Netherlands, they found composers whose ability greatly surpassed anything they were able to find in their own countries. This allowed Dutch composers to flourish across Europe and also gave them much needed exposure to alternate forms of music to incorporate into their compositions, which they did on a grand scale, influencing many composers and listeners for hundreds of years afterward. Baroness Suzette Van Zuylen Van Nyevelt. Court Life in the Dutch Republic 1638-1689. New York: E. P. Dutton Co, 1906. Becket, Andrew. A Trip to Holland. London: T. Becket, Pall-Mall, 1786. Elders, Willem. Composers of the Low Countries. Translated By Graham Dixon. Oxford, England: Clarendon, 1991. Bergin, Thomas G. The Encyclopedia of the Renaissance. New York: Facts on File Publications, 1987. Government Printing Office. The Kingdom of the Netherlands: Facts and Figures. The Hague, Nederland: Government Printing Office, 1971. Grove Concise Dictionary of Music, The. Edited By Stanley Sadie, Asst. by Alison Latham. London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1988. Klis, Jolande van der. The Essential Guide to Dutch Music:100 Composers and Their Work. Amsterdam, Nederland: Muziekgroep, Amsterdam University Press, 2000. Macky, John. A Journey through the Austrian Netherlands. London: J. Pemberton, 1725. Webster’s New International Dictionary of the English Language. Second Edition. 1946. Wittkower, R. Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism. Fourth Edition London, 1974. 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